BN: Will it change?

It has become seen as a party preoccupied with itself, and it is precisely this insularity that turned off many Malaysians and in turn sparked the serious backlash against Barisan Nasional in last March's pivotal general election.

The Straits Times

It looks straightforward enough on paper, but the process to select the next deputy prime minister is casting a glaring light on the internal divisions and contradictions rife in Malaysia's biggest party.

The actual job at stake is the deputy presidency of Umno, which by convention comes with the deputy prime minister's post.

Probably the most qualified candidate is International Trade and Industry Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, but he is fighting a hard battle with Malacca Chief Minister Datuk Seri Ali Rustam.

Both are the front-runners, while Rural and Regional Development Minister Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib is the dark horse on the outside.

The choice between Muhyiddin and Ali would seem obvious enough, but the 2,500 Umno delegates may not agree — and they hold the vote.

Ali, with his people's touch, is hugely popular at the grassroots level. There are countless stories of him turning up at hospitals in the wee hours to visit ill Umno members, something that counts for a lot with party delegates. But he is not seen as qualified for the senior post.

Umno's choice of leaders is frequently based on patronage, money, and the people's touch, but rarely on national considerations.

It has become seen as a party preoccupied with itself, and it is precisely this insularity that turned off many Malaysians and in turn sparked the serious backlash against Barisan Nasional in last March's pivotal general election.

It is, in two words, Umno's arrogance.

Sure, the voter rejection had stunned Umno and the BN, and sparked much soul searching. One year on, however, the coalition has yet to move forward.

It spent the year squabbling over its leadership. Repeated acknowledgements of problems were not matched by serious reforms.

Muhyiddin recently told the foreign media that Umno's top leadership was very aware that it had to change — or be changed. He also admitted that the party was perceived as self-serving and that there was a need for “political education”.

But, he added: “It's not easy.”

Indeed, it has not been. Even as the party acknowledged that it had alienated the non-Malay communities with its nationalist rhetoric, the actions of its members suggest that they have not really got the message.

There was the infamous occasion where a Penang Umno divisional leader called the Chinese “immigrants”. The party suspended him for three years, but the Chinese journalist who reported his speech was arrested.

The difficulty in overhauling Umno lies in the entrenched system of patronage which is, of course, linked to race. Many of its members depend on the party for their livelihood.

Money is its lifeline and race rhetoric its defence against change.

And while changing Umno is extraordinarily difficult, the other parties under the BN umbrella have not fared better.

The biggest Chinese party, the MCA, had a leadership change when former president Datuk Ong Ka Ting stepped down.

Transport Minister Datuk Ong Tee Keat won the race to take over but the party has since become mired in internal politicking, with the maverick Tee Keat embroiled in a power tussle with his deputy Datuk Dr Chua Soi Lek.

The MIC is also caught in a power tussle. Long-time president Datuk S. Samy Vellu has refused to relinquish his post, and his iron grip on the party makes it difficult for challengers to emerge.

Such internal squabbling has made it even harder for the BN to rebuild itself. It is showing signs of strain after one of its 13 partners — the small Sabah People's Party — walked out in anger over the failure to address the problems of Sabahans.

All in all, it has not been a good year for the BN.

While it has to go beyond cosmetic changes, it has little room to manoeuvre. There is wide consensus that Umno, which anchors the coalition, has to lead the way, and some suggestions have been proposed.

Muhyiddin, for instance, has devised a mechanism to allow more than just 2,500 Umno delegates to vote in party polls. His plan would enable some 100,000 members to have a say, making it almost impossible to bribe one's way to victory.

This would weaken the patronage system and in turn tone down the race rhetoric in Umno. It would also build a more equitable partnership with its coalition partners and give the BN a fighting chance to regain public confidence.

But so far, there has been no enthusiasm for such reforms within the party.

Adding to the BN's troubles is the dangerous perception that it can do nothing right. This will be extremely hard to combat. The coalition has set up several committees charged with rebranding, but has not made much headway.

Not that it has been sitting idly by watching as its political power drains away. The BN has been lighting fires for the opposition to fight in recent months, none more effective than its engineering of the toppling of the opposition state government in Perak.

But while this politicking has stymied the opposition's relentless advance, in the long term, the BN will have to revamp its tarnished reputation.

“Like nettles, these issues must be grasped with full consciousness that they are what they are,” Tee Keat had warned on the MCA's 60th anniversary.

But few have confidence that the BN has the will to do so.

In writing about the MCA's anniversary, political analyst Khoo Kay Peng said: “Political parties such as MCA, Gerakan and MIC have continued to operate in their own space and are largely ignorant of public perception.

“Their leaders think that they are still popular as long as they can command the support of delegates. This is a crucial misconception, as was proven in the last general election when dominant leaders were defeated.”