A power transition tainted by fear, suppression and corruption
“Najib’s administration will have more steel than Abdullah. There are indications that he is more willing to use the public institutions, controversial laws and coercive forces to get what he wants,” said political analyst Gavin Khoo Kay Peng.
THE CORRIDORS OF POWER
Wong Choon Mei
Malaysia’s ruling party, Umno, will begin its much-awaited annual congress and election today amid controversy and rising fears that a power transition pact knocked together behind closed doors will herald a dark period for both it and the nation.
As some 2,500 delegates from across the country prepare to vote in top office-bearers, deputy prime minister Najib Abdul Razak is working round the clock to ensure that his ’shining’ moment does really arrive.
He is due to be formalised as party president without having to contest the post. But political watchers point out that the lack of challenge does not signify wholesale support for the 55-year old, but rather, it follows an internal rebellion that forced his boss, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, to relinquish power without putting up any fight.
“None of us had any role or say in the choice of the person who will lead Malaysia next. We were mere bystanders in a political chess game,” said former Law Minister Zaid Ibrahim.
“Najib’s administration will have more steel than Abdullah. There are indications that he is more willing to use the public institutions, controversial laws and coercive forces to get what he wants,” said political analyst Gavin Khoo Kay Peng.
“He has his own corporate cronies. His brothers are prominent businessmen. If he continues to disregard the rule of law, the losers are Malaysians, the normal people.”
Sowing seeds of division in own party and community
By convention – not by law – the Umno president becomes the prime minister of the country. And as the day approaches for Najib to assume the top seat, he has cracked down severely, not only on Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim’s Pakatan Rakyat coalition, but also against members of his own ruling elite.
Last week, Najib moved to purge Abdullah loyalists from taking top party positions. Malacca chief minister Mohd Ali Rustam and Abdullah’s son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin were found guilty of vote buying.
Front-runner for the deputy president’s post Ali Rustam was disqualified at the eleventh hour, while Khairy’s chances of pipping Mukhriz Mahathir – the son of Najib’s mentor Mahathir Mohamad – took a dive after he was issued a warning letter.
Umno members were initially outraged, especially since the popular Ali Rustam was also ridiculed for his lack of fluency in English – a factor that Najib’s supporters openly said would make him an unsuitable No 2 to their British-educated No 1.
It now remains to be seen if members will throw their support behind another Abdullah loyalist, Muhammad Muhammad Taib, who is the only candidate left in the contest for the deputy presidency against Muhyiddin Yassin, the Trade Minister favoured by Najib.
“This is clearly an insult to the Malay language. While we recognise the importance of English and the need for leaders to be fluent in it, at the same time, linguistic skills are not the sole criteria for choosing the best leaders,” said Shamsul Iskandar Akin, a Malay rights activist and Pakatan Rakyat leader.
Fanning racial sentiments
Realising that they may have offended grassroot members with their elitist stance, Mahathir changed tack suddenly. If in the past weeks, Najib and his camp held out the promise of a more inclusive and progressive Umno, over the weekend their clarion call took on a strident Umno-for-only-the-Malays note.
Najib’s cousin Hishammuddin Hussein, who apologised last year for a keris-unsheathing ceremony that symbolised Malay supremacy, announced on Saturday that he intended to reprise the ritual this week.
Mahathir himself warned that Malays were under threat more than ever before, and may lose their privileges if they did not support leaders like himself and his protege. He also took a shot at Chinese educationist and accused of being apartheid in not wanting to accept English as a medium of instruction for Mathematics and Science in vernacular schools.
The 84-year old ex-premier however neglected to mention that Malay educationists too want both subjects to be taught in their own mother tongue. His comments sparked a blaze of anger from the Chinese community, forcing a reaction from the Umno-led Barisan Nasional component, the MCA.
“If the Chinese educationists do not like to mingle with the Malay community, I would like to inform him that almost 90 per cent of the students that finish their primary school at Chinese vernacular schools enrol into national secondary schools,” chided Wee Ka Siong, deputy education minister.
Growing nervousness and insecurity
Despite an onslaught of rosy news reports from the Umno-controlled media and the barrage of half-truths shot out by the Najib-Mahathir camp, it is obvious that there is still fear of rejection from both outside and within their own party.
Just a day ago, opposition newspapers Suara KeADILan and Harakah were banned with immediate effect for three months. No reasons were given.
Late last night, police fired round after round of tear gas and chemical-laced water at a peaceful crowd of more than 5,000 that turned up to hear Anwar speak at a political lecture in Bukit Selambau, Kedah.
Again, no explain was given for the unnecessary action, adding to already swirling rumours that the charismatic reform icon will soon be arrested as an increasingly nervous Najib suppresses dissent to tighten his hold on the country.
“The latest suppression underscores the insecurity and fear that Najib and his supporters feel about their political situation,” said Tian Chua, information chief of KeADILan.
“There are many major events around the corner – the Umno election, the power transition, the triple by-elections and the Perak crisis. He must be afraid of losing, of being further exposed, or there might be some exclusive revelations coming up that he would be hard-pressed to deny.”
