Najib’s Tough to-do List
Umno, the linchpin of the ruling coalition government, is still reeling from its worst electoral setback in last year's general election, a performance that has been blamed squarely on Mr Abdullah because of his leadership which allowed for a more open political environment.
Leslie Lopez, The Straits Times
WHEN Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi romped home to a stunning electoral victory five years ago, Malaysians romanticised about how his leadership would usher in an era of reform.
They thought that under a more open leadership, their country's rigid politics would play catch-up with the economic gains achieved under his autocratic predecessor, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
As Mr Abdullah prepares to pass the reins of leadership to his deputy in a handover process that begins later this week, hopes of renewal and reform have all but evaporated.
Instead, the mood is one of uncertainty largely because of the daunting in-tray of political and economic woes Mr Abdullah leaves behind for his successor, Datuk Seri Najib Razak.
The leadership transition has also been greeted with disquiet in some quarters over fears that the days of a more open political environment could be numbered.
There is a growing perception that a tougher leader and his team are not going to tolerate unyielding public debate on sensitive issues such as race and religion, and that a crackdown on opposition politicians could ensue.
On Monday, two newspapers controlled by the opposition Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) were banned for three months. The same evening, police fired tear gas and used water cannon to disperse a rally by the opposition in the northern state of Kedah.
Opposition leaders were quick to pin the blame on Mr Najib for the ban and the breaking-up of the rally. The government explained that the publications were banned because they had run articles that were 'wrong, sensational and sensitive in nature', according to Home Minister Syed Hamid Albar.
The rally? The opposition had not applied for a police permit.
In truth, the police do regularly break up with tear gas and water cannon street demonstrations and political rallies that do not have permits – well before Mr Najib's impending succession.
Indeed, Mr Abdullah, despite his gentle image, did carry out controversial arrests using the Internal Security Act last year.
Yet, in the waning days of the Abdullah administration, stark, contrasting images have emerged of a soft, gentle leader being replaced by a tough, hard-knuckled leader, a comparison that could well stick, fairly or unfairly.
Malaysians will get a first-hand taste of the leadership style they can expect under Mr Najib this week when the United Malays National Organisation (Umno) holds its annual congress, a confab that will formalise his appointment as the party president. This will be followed by the official handover of the premiership, expected to take place on April 3.
Umno, the linchpin of the ruling coalition government, is still reeling from its worst electoral setback in last year's general election, a performance that has been blamed squarely on Mr Abdullah because of his leadership which allowed for a more open political environment.
That is why many expect that tributes to the outgoing president will be muted.
The lion's share of praise, friendly counsel and applause will be reserved for Umno's new chief.
Party leaders are likely to applaud Mr Najib for his handling of the power grab of the central Perak state by Umno following the defections of three elected representatives from the opposition camp.
Many analysts believe that the new Umno president will welcome suggestions from party colleagues that the government use the Perak takeover as a template in its bid to push forward in the country's four other opposition-controlled states.
More problematic for Mr Najib will be his handling of another issue that will dominate the assembly – Malay supremacy, which the party believes is under threat from religious pluralism and multi-culturalism.
Race, anchored on Malay dominance, has defined Malaysian politics since independence in 1957 and has been a powerful tool that has kept the Umno-led Barisan Nasional coalition government in power.
But the results of the last year's general election have raised the prospect that Malaysian voters may be weary of racial diatribes and more willing to contemplate a multiracial brand of politics. Urban Malays voted in large enough numbers to cause a swing away from Umno to the opposition in many seats.
There is little doubt that Mr Najib will emerge from his first party assembly with a ringing endorsement from Umno.
But winning approval from ordinary Malaysians will not be as easy because of the growing perception that Umno's new president appears to favour a tougher, more confrontational style of politics with little patience for public debate and dissent.
That is why Mr Najib must calibrate his national messages carefully if he is to secure some goodwill from the general Malaysian public in the early days of his premiership.
There are several things he could do.
The release of some political detainees could win him kudos.
He could also offer more economic goodies to Malaysians in these hard times to shore up his political prestige.
But there are demons that may be harder for Mr Najib to exorcise. For one, the alleged involvement of several people from his office in the murder of a Mongolian model is an issue being seized upon by the opposition as his takeover of the premiership nears.
These matters will test his standing during three by-elections next month. The opposition hopes to turn all three polls into mini referenda against the government.
One thing is certain: Mr Najib's first 100 days will not be a honeymoon.
