A New Deal for English Revisited


By Dr. Collin Abraham

Respondents have shown much empathy to the entrenchment of the rural Malay rakyat in the negation of equal opportunities to learn the English language, and thereby being constrained in the creation of a level playing field for social change, ICT, modernization, globalization as well as contributing to nation-building and national unity. 

1 PREAMBLE 

The robust pertinent feedback can be compared to the process of the Pandora’s Box.  

Respondents have shown much empathy to the entrenchment of the rural Malay rakyat in the negation of equal opportunities to learn the English language, and thereby being constrained in the creation of a level playing field for social change, ICT, modernization, globalization as well as contributing to nation-building and national unity. 

Indeed, there has been some serious soul-searching in the responses and a strong assertion that the time has come for certain other macro and micro implications, directly or indirectly related to the English language question, to be also taken up now. 
 

2 FOCUS 

The emphasis in the demand is to “accost rather than to avoid”.

The English language question therefore also needs to be seen within the framework of the affirmative action policy for Malays under the New Economic Policy. Fundamental to this position is that the entire political economy would basically be reconstructed and realigned so that new employment opportunities for the Malay rakyat would be created and other similar avenues considerably enhanced. 

There is no question that functional literacy, fluency, and ability to use the English language, especially in ICT soft skills, could make a significant and immense contribution for Malays to get more jobs across the board. (This scenario was made abundantly clear, for instance, when India managed to retain English and thereby succeeded in obtaining employment in ICT world wide occupations for its citizens that would not otherwise ever have been possible).

2 SCOPE. 

The reality of the situation however suggests that despite the NEP, the scope of the outcome in the plight of the Malays has been totally opposite from that intended. Overall, around 80-90% of victims of social ills (drug abuse, Hiv/Aids, and incest) and almost all ‘snatch thieves” are Malays. It is totally unacceptable that the impact of the NEP appears to have victimized the very people the policy is supposed to help. 

While it is very regrettable that the statutory institutions established to deal with social ills have failed to come up with a “profile” on the respective victims, it is believed there is general agreement that unemployability, chronic unemployment, and being in the ‘under-class’ are the more important high risk causal factors particularly among drug addicts and ‘snatch thieves’.  

It is obviously not the argument here that the lack of exposure to the English language alone can be directly attributable as one of the causes of unemployment leading to drug abuse, but at he same time it must be agreed that such exposure (as in the case of India) would have been helpful. 
 

3 RELAVANCE 

We are witnessing a scenario of social ills among the Malays that seems to be worsening. While this situation is both acute and chronic in the large cities and towns, Pemadam and the Malaysian Aids Council will confirm that social ills have spread to the rural areas as well. 

Tengku Razaleigh is to be strongly commended for the posting on “Chow Kit”. We need to be reminded that a similar scenario exists in other parts of K.L. as well as in other sectors of the cities and towns without exception. 

To put it in perspective, for 80-90% of victims of social ills to be from the Malay majority ethnic/racial group cannot augur well for the well being of the Malaysian nation and the Prime Minister should take this into consideration in his 1Malaysia Concept.



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