Where to, MCA?
"If the party cannot stand up to Umno, then it cannot win Chinese votes. If it can stand up to Umno, then it might weaken Barisan Nasional itself. So the party is in a dilemma caused by the BN influence shrinking."
Written by Sharon Tan, The Edge
Come Oct 10, MCA will head into its extraordinary general meeting (EGM) in the fervent hope of ending a crisis that has gripped the party and stymied reform efforts after its trouncing in the last general election.
Five motions are up for voting, but the ones that have the biggest implications on the party are the no-confidence motion against Datuk Seri Ong Tee Keat's leadership and the motion to reinstate Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek to his post.
Analysts see the friction between party president Ong and his former deputy Chua as the main source of the tension that has stupefied party members post-general election, and a resolution of the animosity is imperative if the party is to move forward.
The task weighs heavily on the 2,377 central delegates, who are aware of the wider implication for the party as the second largest component of Barisan Nasional.
Dr Ooi Kee Beng of Institute of Southeast Asian Studies said MCA members ought to think of the party's symbiotic relationship to Umno.
"If the party cannot stand up to Umno, then it cannot win Chinese votes. If it can stand up to Umno, then it might weaken Barisan Nasional itself. So the party is in a dilemma caused by the BN influence shrinking.
"What delegates would do well to remember at this point is what is good for the country, and what kind of future they imagine the country should have, given the rise of Asian economic powers," he said, adding that members should think long term and be firm on a secular and multiracial country.
Chua has always been seen to have a better relationship with Umno while Ong's relationship with its BN partner was said to be not as warm. Questions have arisen whether Chua's close relations with Umno would result in him and MCA being more accommodating, perpetuating an ineffective coalition as if MCA is oblivious to the reasons the Chinese community abandoned the party at last year's general election.
It's not easy to choose between Chua and Ong.
Chua will always be dogged by his sex scandal, although it is no longer sensational. The manner he was booted out however has not gone down well with some grassroot members.
To have been voted in as deputy president about 10 months after the scandal is a signal that some in the party are willing to overlook his indiscretion.
On the other hand, Ong has been hailed as a hero for his pursuit of the Port Klang Free Zone (PKFZ) scandal. But he also has the allegations of receiving a RM10 million donation from the chief executive of the turnkey contractor for PKFZ hanging over him. Granted that he has sued Kuala Dimensi Sdn Bhd CEO Datuk Seri Tiong King Sing on the allegations, the matter will cast a pall over him until it is cleared in court.
Ooi said a vote for Chua could be a signal that delegates want change (of leadership) but without knowing how to go about it.
"At least they express dissatisfaction, and that is a start. I believe that Malaysians condemn monetary corruption much more than they do sex trysts with a mistress," he said via email.
He added one could not say a leader is sympathetic to reforms and not the other, because things are not that simple.
However, Universiti Sains Malaysia's Dr P Sivamurugan said Chua's sex scandal should not be discounted as a liability, as adultery is still a morality issue for many.
Sivamurugan also said it would become more interesting post-EGM, when the party would have to strengthen under one leader.
"You can't have two captains. That is why Ong is willing to gamble. If he wins then he has to strengthen the support," he said.
According to Sivamurugan, MCA's history has shown that the party will become stronger after each crisis, citing the example of the Neo Yee Pan-Tan Koon Swan saga in the 1980s and the succession plan deal between Ling Liong Sik and Lim Ah Lek in the early 2000s.
"But it is best to remove both Ong and Chua and bring in a new president. No one knows if the factions can accept each other if Ong or Chua stays as president.
"The best way is to get a third person to unite the party," he said.
History bears to Sivamurugan's suggestion. After the 1980s crisis, Ling took over the party mantle while a succession plan was struck in the Ling-Lim crisis, which saw both their protégés — Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting and Tan Sri Chan Kong Choy — taking over the party leadership.
The names that have been whispered around are that of vice-presidents Datuk Seri Liow Tiong Lai and Datuk Seri Ng Yen Yen. However, both may not be the best candidates, as Liow is still considered junior in leadership terms while the male-dominated MCA may not be comfortable with a woman at the helm.
As the delegates cast their votes at the EGM, they must realise that MCA, the second-largest component party in BN and the largest Chinese party in the world outside of China, is fighting for its own survival and not the political survival of two warring personalities.
MCA, which has been losing the Chinese votes, is unlikely to recover from the blows it received at the March 8, 2008, general election and thereafter in time for the next general election. Another onslaught could spell the demise of the party.
The central delegates must think hard how to get the 60-year-old party back on track, to put party before self, before MCA is reduced to a footnote in history.
