The battle for Chinese hearts
Unfortunately, the Barisan Nasional (BN) and Umno have been in denial mode over the implications of this fundamental change. Instead of exploring new ways to revive and re-energize the social contract, there have been calls for a return to the past and an even stronger promotion of Malay rights.
Given the rhetoric — some of which has been extremely shrill — the Chinese community (witness the results in Hulu Selangor and Sibu) has remained resolutely pro-Pakatan.
Still — and mostly due to Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s persistent entreaties — the Indian community at least has finally started shifting back to the BN. Their Chinese counterparts, however, have largely been unmoved by the premier’s 1 Malaysia slogan.
Last week, I met with a Chinese businessman for some perspective. He was extremely concerned with how Umno was managing the current challenges:
“I know the PM is trying hard to reform the country. However, his party is undermining these initiatives. People like me are watching closely. Can Najib transform Malaysia? I don’t know. I hope so but I’m not confident,” he said.
“Most Chinese Malaysians are quite independent of the government. We don’t need handouts. You can’t ‘buy’ our support. We want change. If you cut allocations to our schools, we’ll just raise them ourselves. We have the resources and the determination.”
The worsening of Chinese sentiment is a problem for both the BN and indeed Malaysia. Our country has prospered because of the combination of Malay political power and Chinese commercial might. This is what the Merdeka consensus was basically about.
We need both communities onboard to progress. We particularly can’t afford to have the Chinese middle-class lose hope, as both their human and financial capital are crucial for Malaysia’s future growth.
Unfortunately, many of their youths are choosing to emigrate. Those studying abroad are often warned not to come back by their disillusioned elders. This is just one of the factors accelerating the relative decline in Chinese population figures vis-a-vis the Malay community.
In political terms, the Democratic Action Party (DAP) has supplanted its rivals in the BN as the main party of the Malaysian Chinese.
But the DAP is supposed to be multiracial and a Chinese-centric agenda will damage its credibility in the long-run. Indeed the position of the party’s non-Chinese members has always been awkward despite contributing prominent leaders like Karpal Singh and M. Kulasegaran.
The DAP leaders must tread carefully here. They must remain true to the party’s social-democratic roots that eschew ethnic distinctions.
