‘Peaceful revolutions’ underway in Malaysia, Singapore

For most of its history, Malaysia has been guided by the desire for “equality of outcomes”. It has been trying to redistribute the fruits of growth in a more equitable fashion by giving some people—the majority Malay Muslims, the so-called bumiputeras—more opportunities than others. Singapore has been guided by the desire for “equality of opportunities”, with little concern for outcomes. Both countries have pursued their philosophies with determination; now both see the systems faltering. 

Sudhir Thomas Vadaketh, SingaporeScene  

Malaysia and Singapore are witnessing two slow, quiet, largely peaceful socio-political revolutions that will ultimately change the complexion of the region.

For decades, the vast majority of Malaysians and Singaporeans appeared relatively content with their respective ruling parties—the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition and the People’s Action Party (PAP). Their consistent electoral success was built on a combination of rapid economic growth and iron-fisted political control.

As living standards got better, most people in the two countries were happy to live their lives quietly under the democratic radar.

But over the past decade, a combination of forces—including policy missteps by the ruling parties, the emergence of more credible opposition candidates, and the widening of political space through the Internet—has blown the lid off these hitherto politically apathetic countries.

In both Malaysia and Singapore, authoritarian states are making way for more democratic participation. Ordinary people, who for long took their electoral rights for granted, have now realised that their voices and votes do actually make a difference. Civil society is being forced to evolve at warp speed. Private and public actors are adapting to new ways of communicating on a multitude of new platforms.

Hence the BN’s and PAP’s 50 odd years of dominance is ending. In Malaysia, the revolution is a few years ahead: after its next general election, which must be held by June 2013, there is an outside chance that the opposition Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalition will be governing the country.

Across the border, though the PAP still appears very much in control, it is licking its wounds after its worst ever electoral performance last year. Though unthinkable just a few years ago, political observers today have a new favourite pastime: speculating when the PAP might lose power. A minority believes it could happen as soon as the next election, due by 2016.

A big reason for these parties’ relative decline is that Malaysians and Singaporeans have grown increasingly disillusioned with their respective socio-economic models. For most of its history, Malaysia has been guided by the desire for “equality of outcomes”. It has been trying to redistribute the fruits of growth in a more equitable fashion by giving some people—the majority Malay Muslims, the so-called bumiputeras—more opportunities than others. Singapore has been guided by the desire for “equality of opportunities”, with little concern for outcomes. Both countries have pursued their philosophies with determination; now both see the systems faltering.

Malaysia’s pursuit of “equality of outcomes” has created some serious problems, not least the ethnic tensions in society today. Furthermore, the noble ideal of wealth equality has frequently been hijacked by corrupt elements, undermining the policy’s effectiveness.

Singapore’s desire only for “equality of opportunities” has led to gross inequality—or very different “outcomes”—in the country. And with that, it has become harder and harder to guarantee “equality of opportunities”—a rich family’s child will always be much better positioned for success than a poor family’s child.

As Malaysia and Singapore embark on their next stage of development, they face pressures to become a bit more like each other. Malaysians are yearning for more “equality of opportunities” and Singaporeans, “equality of outcomes”.

This is not just theoretical fluff. These guiding philosophies have influenced how millions of Malaysians and Singaporeans think and interact with each other. In Malaysia, for instance, there are Chinese and Indians who look down on the Malays around them because they are perceived as dependent on government help.

Meanwhile, there are a fair number of Malay nationalists who continue to regard Chinese and Indians, some of whose families have been in the country for more than four generations, as second-class citizens.

The bumiputera policies also feed the idea that economic opportunity and wealth is a zero-sum game, played out amongst different ethnic groups, based on luck and timing. An Indian church warden in Kuantan, Pahang, likened the process to the spokes on a revolving bicycle wheel. “The Malay bicycle spoke is up now, so the Indian one must necessarily be down,” he told me.  He believes it is impossible for all ethnic groups to develop together; the Indians must simply sit tight and wait for their chance again.

Hence, by mandating this wealth transfer to the bumiputeras, Malaysia has unwittingly cultivated the idea that in order for one race to progress, another one must be subdued.