Anwar Ibrahim tears into Star to kick off Sabah, Sarawak campaign
Joe Fernandez
Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim appears to have taken a deliberate position on the State Reform Party (Star) to explain why the Opposition Pact failed to materialise in Sabah for the 13th General Election.
Evidently, Star did not say as alleged by Anwar that it would exercise the option of whether to support the outgoing ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) or Pakatan Rakyat (PR), the Opposition Alliance. Anwar continues to flog the erroneous perception that Star is neither here nor there.
It’s not that simple.
What the party said more than once through its chairman Jeffrey Kitingan was:
(1) the parti parti Malaya have no business being in Sabah and Sarawak since,
(i) the local presence of the parti parti Malaya compromises the two Borneo nations’ autonomy in Malaysia; and
(ii) diminishes and weakens the voice of the people of Borneo in the Malaysian Parliament.
Hence, the question of a Star electoral pact with PR does not arise.
(2) that it (Star) would be willing to work with anyone who forms the Government in Putrajaya.
Hindraf Makkal Sakthi chairman, P. Waythamoorthy, a Star ally, has also cited Hindu Scriptures to explain that it doesn’t really matter to him — presumably Jeffrey too — whether a Rama (the seventh avatar of the god Vishnu and/or the Supreme Being) or a Ravana (the Demon in Lanka who kidnapped Sita, the wife of Rama) rules Malaysia. The Jury is still out on this.
Star is taking the “better safe than sorry” position and maintaining that it really doesn’t know who will form the Government in Putrajaya on May 5.
It could be, according to Star strategists and insiders, any number of combinations:
(a) Umno/Hindraf-BN Borneo-3rd Force;
(b) Umno/Hindraf-BN Borneo-3rd Force-Dap;
(c) BN/Hindraf;
(d) PR-BN Sarawak;
(e) PR-Umno Sabah;
(f) PR-BN Sarawak-Umno Sabah;
(g) PR-BN Sarawak-Umno Sabah-3rd Force; or
(h) any other combination of parties.
Anwar’s public lashing of Star appears to be deliberate on his part. There’s no love lost between him and Jeffrey an ex-Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) vice-president. Anwar’s wife Wan Azizah is PKR President, and quite close to Jeffrey. Anwar meanwhile has positioned himself as de facto party chief. Jeffrey supporter Nurul Izzah, their stunning and popular eldest daughter, is a party vice president and Lembah Pantai MP. All three — Jeffrey, Wan Azizah, Nurul, are against Azmin Ali, the powerful PKR Deputy President who wants to ride Anwar to the premiership.
Apparently, Anwar’s campaign strategy is to focus on Sabah and Sarawak, BN’s so-called Fixed Deposit states, to pace and bog down unelected Caretaker Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak in Borneo so that Peninsular Malaysia, Johore in particular, would be left unattended by the latter.
Everytime Najib visits a location in Sabah and Sarawak, Anwar would follow behind him to “demolish Najib’s lies and hype and update the people on the real situation”.
BN Sabah has begun hitting out at Anwar in panic as a person willing to desert the people of Permatang Pauh, his parliamentary seat in Penang, so that he could focus on Sabah and Sarawak. Anwar is expected to resume the campaign trail in Permatang Pauh at the last minute in between breaks from Sabah and Sarawak.
Najib, on Mon in Sabah, changed his patronising and condescending “Fixed Deposit” mantra to chant that “Sabah is precious to BN”.
Najib before: “You help me, I help you.”
Najib now: “Help me if you love me.”
Speculation is rife in the local media that “people aligned to the BN have sponsored candidates to add to the already crowded field” of multi-cornered contests with the PR opposition front, Star, Sapp and independents.
The BN is not expected to do as well this time in Sabah and Sarawak as in 2008. The major factor, as revealed during the Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI), is rogue elements of the BN placing illegal immigrants on the electoral rolls.
In the 12th General Election, BN only lost the Kota Kinabalu parliamentary seat and Sri Tanjung state seat in Sabah, both to Dap.
In Sarawak, it lost the Kuching parliamentary seat to Dap.
In a by-election, BN lost Sibu to Dap.
In the 2011 Sarawak state election, held separately, BN lost several seats to Dap and PKR. It also lost a seat to an independent.
The next Sarawak state election is not due until 2016.
However, Anwar has pledged that Sarawak will have a new Chief Minister after May 5 should PR seize the reins of power in Putrajaya as the incumbent, Taib Mahmud, has to be hauled away for investigation by the Malaysian Anti Corruption Agency (MACC) in connection with a long list of allegations.
These include abuse of power, conflict of interest, electoral fraud, cronyism, collusion, nepotism, involvement in criminal syndicates and underworld activities, criminal theft of property, illegal takeover of companies, extortion, racketeering, rape and plunder of Sarawak’s timber resources, corruption, soliciting bribes, illegal financing of elections and political party activities, tax evasion, money laundering and financing terrorism, among others.
Taib, in power since 1981 when he took over from his maternal uncle Abdul Rahman Yakub, has denied any wrongdoing.
He has refused to co-operate with MACC on the dubious grounds that the anti-graft body is “dishonest and naughty”. There are rumours, never substantiated, that the MACC as the Anti Corruption Agency (ACA) in its previous life, used to fleece money from Taib in return for protection from it. Taib probably sees little difference between MACC and ACA.
Najib extracted a pledge from Taib, during the 2011 state elections, that he would step down gracefully before the 13th GE.
There’s no sign that Taib will keep his pledge. His broken pledge has come to haunt him in the run-up to May 5.
There are rumours that Taib wanted to be kicked upstairs as the Governor before he would let go of the Chief Minister’s post. This was the trick played by Abdul Rahman Yakub, his maternal uncle and immediate past predecessor.
Apparently, the Conference of Rulers was not in favour of Taib assuming the post of Sarawak Governor. There are fears that he would interfere in the state administration from behind the scenes given his long years in power, reach, clout and fabulous wealth, most of it reportedly salted away abroad.
Anwar’s fascination with Sabah and Sarawak goes beyond Najib’s Fixed Deposit theory.
For one, Taib is in a highly vulnerable situation and can be expected to jump ship in order to buy political protection if PR can seize Putrajaya with or without his support. He may conclude that the BN’s days in power are numbered and, in that case, he wouldn’t want to risk gambling on the odds in the 14th GE.
Already, the opposition is set to bag eight parliamentary seats this time in Sarawak i.e. Baram, Mas Gading and six of the seats being contested by Supp.
Anything more, and possible, would be a bonus. Hulu Rajang, Saratok, Lubok Antu and Mukah are other vulnerable spots.
The real battle in Sarawak is between BN and PR although Star is in the fray as well after fits and starts under Founder Dr. Patau Rubis over the last 16 years.
In Sabah, the real battle is between Star and the parti parti Malaya on both sides of the divide and between BN and PR along certain stretches of the west coast.
Beaufort, Kimanis and Papar, all parliamentary seats, are up for grabs as Umno is facing a tough fight in all. The state seats in the immediate vicinity are Kawang, Pantai Manis, Bongawan, Membakut , Klias and Kuala Penyu.
Beaufort is expected to fall.
The Opposition, including the Dap, can expect to bag another six parliamentary seats in Sabah.
Total haul for the Opposition, including Star, in Sabah and Sarawak: 15 seats.
Anwar expects the status quo and more to remain in Peninsular Malaysia unless the anticipated Opposition gains in Johore materialise and perhaps Negri Sembilan.
Pakatan Rakyat expects Perak to return to its fold based on the perception that “the people are still angry over the BN’s power grab there and want to punish the outgoing ruling coalition”.
Sabah and Sarawak, while being precious to BN which faces a 50:50 situation, are strategic fallback positions for the Opposition.
