The strong wind of anti-ruling party in Chinese community
The BN is now facing a new political situation, in which Malay voters are still supporting it while Chinese voters have bid farewell to it. Would it continue its transformation policy, or shift back to the conservative racial line?
Lim Sue Goan, Sin Chew Daily
The strong wind of anti-ruling party in the Chinese community has made the DAP the biggest winner of the 13th general election. However, the strategy of trying to set off a political tsunami by fielding Lim Kit Siang to contest in Johor has achieved only partial success as it did not receive a positive response from Malay voters.
The anti-ruling wind in the Chinese community is even stronger than the one set off in the 2008 general election, causing a greater defeat to the MCA and Gerakan compared to the last election, particularly in Johor, the MCA’s bastion.
PAS fails to win more Malay votes
Chinese voters have voted for Pakatan Rakyat without hesitation, resulting in a big victory for DAP in Penang, while helping Pakatan Rakyat to retain power in Selangor by winning 38 state seats.
The big victory of Lim Kit Siang in Gelang Patah showed that he has gained one-sided support from the Chinese. However, PAS and the PKR were unable to gain more Malay votes and as a result, Pakatan Rakyat failed to win the Johor state regime and set off a political tsunami.
In addition to the good result in Johor, the DAP also won big in Negeri Sembilan and Perak. Negeri Sembilan DAP won all the contested two parliamentary seats and 11 state seats, annihilating the state MCA and Gerakan. The Perak DAP also won all the contested 18 state seats.
Massive defeat for BN Chinese-based parties
Since most Chinese have voted for Pakatan Rakyat, BN Chinese-based parties have suffered a massive blow and many leaders have been defeated, including MCA secretary-general Datuk Seri Kong Cho Ha, MCA vice-president Datuk Seri Chor Chee Heung, Malacca MCA chief Datuk Gan Tian Loo, Penang BN chairman Teng Chang Yeow and SUPP veteran Datuk Yong Khoon Seng. Meanwhile, MCA deputy president Datuk Seri Liow Tiong Lai and MCA Young Professionals Bureau chief Datuk Chua Tee Yong won by a narrow margin in Bentong and Labis respectively.
Among the seven Chinese-majority seats contested, the SUPP is able to keep only the Serian seat, suffering the same setback of the 2011 state election.
Chinese votes tend to support Pakatan Rakyat from East Malaysia to Peninsula. The BN must review and reflect on it. Could it be because the transformation plans are not convincing enough? Or are there problems in its governance?
There were analyses about the mentality of Chinese voters earlier. What the Chinese want is fair governance and proper management. However, due to some political considerations, some measures have failed to be put in place, such as the UEC recognition issue.
Of course, we cannot deny that there are internal problems in BN Chinese-based parties, which is also why the Chinese have lost confidence in them. These problems include party crisis in the MCA and the SUPP, as well as the failure of Gerakan to reform.
1Malaysia Penang Welfare Club’s disservice
In addition, there are also problems to the campaign strategy of BN Chinese-based parties. For example, the “carnival-style” campaign organised by the 1Malaysia Penang Welfare club has brought a negative effect and sparked public discontent while blurring the BN’s policies and commitments in Penang.
Meanwhile, despite the great loss of Chinese votes, Malay votes have returned to the BN, enabling it to regain Kedah and keep Perak while forming a phenomenon that Umno alone is able to win many state regimes.
However, the return of Malay votes is not ideal in some areas, particularly in Penang.
Umno’s performance in Terengganu is also not as good as expected and it can keep its state regime only by gaining a narrow victory, allowing PAS have gained a number of seats in the state.
The BN is now facing a new political situation, in which Malay voters are still supporting it while Chinese voters have bid farewell to it. Would it continue its transformation policy, or shift back to the conservative racial line?
If Umno wants to defend its regime, it cannot return to its old line, but must continue the pace of opening up, or a polarised situation might be formed.
In addition to winning back the confidence of the Chinese, the BN should also review on why urban voters have rejected it, causing defeats even to Umno ministers in Kuala Lumpur.
Voters have made their choices and what the BN should do now is to analyse the reasons.
