The changing political dynamics

Contrary to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak’s arguments in his victory speech, the ‘2013 tsunami’ wasn’t merely racial. There are also powerful socio-economic and political forces at work.

Indeed, by the year 2000 it was estimated that two out of every seven persons resident in Selangor were migrants who had been born elsewhere. This makes it very hard to win voters, including Malay Muslims, using or working through the traditional means of social organisation: for instance, the kampung networks. This is to say nothing of the fact that urban voters tend to be better educated and more in-tune with the Internet – ergo the alternative media with its freer news coverage and analysis.

Karim Raslan, The Star

ON May 5, Malaysians went to the polls. We lined up patiently outside schools, civic halls and other polling stations in our millions, swamping the Election Commission’s preparations.

Indeed, the final turnout was 80% of all eligible voters, or 12,992,661 out of 13.3 million – the highest in Malaysia’s history.

I arrived outside the Sekolah Rendah Agama Masjid Saidina Omar Al Khattab in Damansara Heights at 7.15am and was amongst the first 20 or so to secure entry to vote at 8am.

By the time the voting booths opened, there were hundreds waiting behind me in a queue that snaked like a corkscrew in the school’s car park.

We were a fairly motley crew, bleary-eyed but enthusiastic.

There was Uncle Wong, a 71-year-old pensioner and now inveterate traveller, Pak Cik Mahmud, a 67-year-old Malayan Railways retiree and his 30-year-old son Abdul Khalid, both residents of Damansara Heights.

Another writer, Dina Zaman, was a few steps behind me.

The crowd was thoroughly multiracial and lively, the way our cities are and because we couldn’t remain silent for long we soon started talking though not about politics.

Instead, we chatted about friends, family and where I should head to next with Ceritalah Malaysia.

To my amazement, Uncle Wong had already followed in my footsteps and visited Keningau in Sabah.

After I voted, the feeling was of exhilaration and relief.

However, the endless wait for the results was much longer and far less fun.

Honestly, the Elections Commis-sion (EC) really needs to buck up in releasing results – to say nothing of alleged problems with the indelible ink and phantom voters.

The delays and the lack of information only served to fuel speculation and distrust.

Still, the 13th general election will help us understand how Malaysia’s political battle lines are being drawn.

Contrary to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak’s arguments in his victory speech, the “2013 tsunami” wasn’t merely racial.

There are also powerful socio-economic and political forces at work.

Basically, Malaysia’s cities, suburbs and towns are establishing their way of doing politics and the issues that matter to their residents and voters.

Malaysia’s urban areas have different views as to how the country should be governed.

They want change, even if this does not necessarily mean a change in government.

Moreover, it’s not surprising why this is so.

Our cities and towns are wonderfully eclectic.

There are countless communities and sub-communities embedded in our various Taman’s and Jaya’s – families who were born and grew up in isolated long-houses on the Baram and Limbang rivers, or other villages in Pasir Mas, Mentakab and Kuala Kedah.

Internal migration now means those resident in Johor’s booming south or the Klang Valley are more likely to have been born elsewhere.

Indeed, by the year 2000 it was estimated that two out of every seven persons resident in Selangor were migrants who had been born elsewhere.

This makes it very hard to win voters, including Malay Muslims, using or working through the traditional means of social organisation: for instance, the kampung networks.

This is to say nothing of the fact that urban voters tend to be better educated and more in-tune with the Internet – ergo the alternative media with its freer news coverage and analysis.

As a result these voters are very performance-driven.

They like Hannah Yeoh because she works phenomenally hard and is sincere and approachable.

The fact that she’s a DAP cadre is secondary.

In fact appeals to particular exclusive ethnic or religious affiliations have limited traction – witness Zulkifli Noordin’s failure to win in Shah Alam.

Underperform as the out-going Kedah Mentri Besar Azizan Abdul Razak did and you’re out.

Deliver as Perak Mentri Besar Zambry Abdul Kadir did and you’ll scrape through.

Indeed, Zambry, a thinker with a self-deprecating and witty turn-of-phrase, is exactly the type of leader Barisan Nasional needs if it’s serious about reclaiming the urban voters.

Because let’s face it: Pakatan Rakyat has largely beaten Barisan in the cities.

Barisan can continue to govern on the back of the rural vote in the short-term, but the fact is that the cities are the source of ideas and energy it desperately needs to keep reinventing itself.

Pakatan may not have made the gains it had hoped but it clearly has the most dynamic parts of Malaysia on its side.

Like it or not, this gives it an edge in the long run.

This is what Najib needs to work on in the weeks and months ahead if he truly wants to leave a legacy.