How Najib can tackle Ahmad Said
Idris Jusoh (left) and Ahmad Said (right): kissing and making up
Tay Tian Yan, Sin Chew Daily
The deepest impression Datuk Seri Ahmad said has given me is a “climate study” delegation headed by him to the Antarctica earlier this year.
Back then, I asked someone in the government why he was allowed to do this at a time when BN was suffering from bad publicity at home.
He said, shaking his head, “He is Ahmad Said, and there is nothing we can do to him!”
So, Ahmad Said is that kind of self-centered guy obstinately doing things his own way. Thanks to his broad interpersonal relations and a little bit of luck. nevertheless, he managed to become a menteri besar for six years.
One of the “warlords” in Umno, Ahmad Said enjoys some good support in Terengganu although his administrative performance is not really that impressive.
To talk about Ahmad Said, we cannot afford to skip his predecessor Idris Jusoh (now Higher Learning Minister II).
Idris was a star performer when he was the MB, building the state’s new airport, improving public amenities. Terengganu was the best performer in economy among the east coast states, not to mention the landmark Crystal Mosque.
While BN and Umno suffered severe blows elsewhere in the country in the 2008 general election, Idris was doing pretty well in Terengganu, winning two thirds majority in the state legislative assembly.
But his performance was not reciprocated and Idris was unseated by Ahmad Said under the auspices of the Sultan.
A complete opposite of Idris Jusoh’s professionalism, Ahmad Said did things more with his feelings than his head. He lacked a professional background and the essential qualities and failed to put in place an efficient and organised team to lead the state.
His lackluster performance won him poor reputation and widespread dissatisfaction from within his party. Even the palace now started to lose faith in him.
In the 2013 general election, while Umno succeeded in winning back some of the Malay support across the country, the party performed poorly in the state, securing only 17 seats vis-à-vis Pakatan’s 15.
Najib had wanted to replace Ahmad Said, but he threatened to leave the party if he were not re-appointed the MB.
Having evaluated the relative strengths of BN and Pakatan in the state, Najib gave in, but with a condition that Ahmad Said would only serve for one year.
A year later, whoever that needs to be replaced is now replaced. Given his poor track record and low acceptance in party, it is most natural he should make way for a younger and more professional Ahmad Razif, who does not carry with him the weighty political burden, and who should help restore public confidence and alleviate the pressure from PAS.
Najib might have underestimated the obstinacy and recalcitrance of Ahmad Said, who would never allow himself to be bound by party restrictions or be submissive to party leadership, meaning he might strike back forcefully and collaborate with his former rivals.
A change of state administration in Terengganu is something an already weakened Najib is most reluctant to see.
There are four things Najib can do:
1. Apply pressure on Ahmad Said and two others not to support Pakatan even if they are now independent reps, and to ensure they would continue to stand alongside BN if a motion of no confidence is tabled in the state assembly. Of course, if these people would change their minds and go back to Umno, then the crisis would have been self resolved.
The question is: Can anyone change the mind of Ahmad Said? Even if yes, he would subject himself to his control in the days to come.
2. Announce a state of emergency, like in Kelantan in 1977, when PAS assemblymen tabled a motion of no confidence in the state assembly to crush the coalition government, forcing the federal government to exercise its power to issue an emergency edict to take over the state administration.
Question: Will BN’s opponents and public consensus approve of such an act in today’s increasingly liberal political environment?
3. Get PAS to agree on a coalition government in a bid to evade heads-on confrontation while sharing political resources, paving the way for future full cooperation between the two parties.
Question: Who will be the MB? Will Umno and PAS grassroots agree to such a notion?
4. Dissolve the state assembly and hold fresh election. Let the voters decide.
Question: This is a solution closest to the principles of democracy and constitutional government, but will Umno be able to win again this time? If it loses, it will lose the state administration as well, which does not augur well for both Najib and BN while allowing PAS to make a more powerful comeback.
