Rulers should be seen and not heard

The problem is the Melayu Baru want to be republicans but they do not want to abolish the monarchy. They want to be liberals but they will not allow Muslims to leave Islam. They want freedom of speech but they will not allow anyone to ‘insult Islam’. They want to be seen as clever and successful but they will not allow meritocracy and still insist that Malays must be allowed certain privileges. They want to be global but will not allow English to replace Malay as the National Language.

NO HOLDS BARRED

Raja Petra Kamarudin

Over 100 years ago at the turn of the 20th Century when the British colonial masters decided to establish schools for the children of the Malay elite and royalty, moulded after the English public schools, it was with a very specific motive in mind. The sons of the Malay elite and royalty should be allowed a modern education but yet it should not erode Malay values, customs and traditions or violate the tenets of Islam.

It was a good plan and for two generations until World War II these schools churned out ‘modern’ Malays, mostly from amongst the sons of the elite and royalty, who were being groomed to one day take over the reins of power when the British decide to leave and grant Malaya independence or Merdeka.

Half a century later the British did decide to leave but it took a decade of negotiations before Malaya was actually granted self-rule. It was not an easy negotiation. You had the majority Malays to consider who would now be reduced to about 50% of the population if the Chinese and Indians were granted citizenship.

And the Chinese and Indians would have to be granted citizenship because China and India would not take them back, especially their children who were Malayan-born and hence no longer Chinese or Indian nationals.

Then we had the nine monarchs or royal households to consider and what role they would now play in an independent Malaya, which would be transformed into a constitutional monarchy with a Westminster Parliamentary system of government chosen through a general election.

Of course, there was also Islam and the national language to worry about and the problem of where to place these in a newly independent Malaya.

Most importantly, though, is what would be the new status of the Federated and Unfederated Malay States and how would they fit into a ‘united states’ or ‘Federation of Malay States’ alongside the Straits Settlements of Penang and Melaka?

It was a delicate balancing act that the British had to grapple with and all interests needed to be accommodated in this new ‘united states’ or federation that was being proposed for the independent Malaya.

The independent Malaya of the ‘united states’ that was being proposed would be a federation. Hence there would be federal power. Plus there would be state power. But there should not be any overlap between federal and state powers. A clear line in the sand needs to be drawn so that there is no confusion as to what is federal power and what is state power.

The states would have to give up some power and hand this power to the federal government. But in return the states would receive certain benefits for giving up this state power.

For example, national security, defence, foreign policy, and so on, would be federalised. Religion, natural resources, etc., would remain under the states.

Of course, along the way, Malaysia was formed in 1963 to replace Malaya and three more members joined Malaya to form Malaysia. This has now been reduced to just two, Sabah and Sarawak. And the status of these new members of Malaysia was slightly above the status of the original nine states of Malaya.

Then in 1974 oil and gas were nationalised under the Petroleum Development Act and were no longer considered a state resource but the state would be allowed a royalty of 5% and agreements were signed in 1976 to formalise this.

Nevertheless, other than these ‘disruptions’ in 1963 and 1974, everything more or less remained the same. The states gave up some powers to become members of the ‘united states’ or Federation of Malaya while the rulers gave up some power to no longer rule as absolute monarchs but to reign as constitutional monarchs.

The first Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, being a member of the royal family, knew how to manage this delicate relationship between those who rule and those who reign. So did the second and third Prime Ministers who both had a palace upbringing.

Then came the fourth Prime Minister, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, who had no time for silly Malay conventions, traditions, customs and culture. And for the first time the monarchy came under direct attack.

No longer were problems solved behind closed doors or the rulers advised regarding what to do and what not to do like in the early days after Merdeka. They were now publicly chided and ridiculed. The monarchs were put in their place and warned that they exist at the pleasure of the politicians and they can easily no longer exist if the politicians say so.

Malays who for centuries were taught the legend of Hang Tuah and Hang Jebat were now told that Hang Tuah is not the goodie and Hang Jebat the baddie like they always believed. It was now the other way around. Hang Jebat is now the hero while Hang Tuah is the idiot. So to oppose authority is noble and to submit is silly.

No longer must we believe that rezeki comes from God and that we will receive rezeki only by the will of God. If we want to be successful like the Chinese (and success means to be rich) we must be aggressive and go out and grab wealth by whatever means possible, fair or foul. Ultimately, success is measured by the size of your bank account.

It was basically an experiment in social re-engineering. For generations we had what we could probably call ‘Melayu Lama’ or the old-school Malays. Now we are breeding ‘Melayu Baru’ or what some call ‘towering Malays’. And the Melayu Lama and the Melayu Baru have competing sets of values.

When we reminisce and sigh about ‘the good old days’ we are basically remembering what the Melayu Lama used to be like. No doubt when you compare the not so ambitious and not so aggressive Melayu Lama with the greedy and inconsiderate Melayu Baru, you wonder what happened over the last 30 years compared to the first 30 years after World War II.

Well, if you need to wonder then you are not really as clever as you think yourselves to be.

The problem is the Melayu Baru want to be republicans but they do not want to abolish the monarchy. They want to be liberals but they will not allow Muslims to leave Islam. They want freedom of speech but they will not allow anyone to ‘insult Islam’. They want to be seen as clever and successful but they will not allow meritocracy and still insist that Malays must be allowed certain privileges. They want to be global but will not allow English to replace Malay as the National Language.

In short, they want to enjoy free sex but still be a virgin. That just cannot happen.

I anticipate that over the next few months we are going to see an active debate regarding the status of the monarchy. Maybe this debate is long overdue. Many Malaysians, some Malays as well, feel that monarchies are relics of the past that no longer have a place in this modern world.

That may be true. But then once this debate starts it will not stop at the monarchy. What will be included in this debate is the status of the monarchy as protector of Islam, Malay privileges and the Malay language. And once we remove the monarchy what about those that the monarchy protects? Will these be removed as well? More importantly, are the Malays ready to accept a new Malaysia where Islam is no longer the business of the government and meritocracy and survival of the fittest will prevail?

As I said, we cannot enjoy free sex and at the same time remain a virgin. We need to choose between one and the other. And the first step to modernisation would be the removal of the monarchy. And once that happens everything else will have to be dismantled as well. And the Malays will have to be ready for this because modernisation comes with a price.