Why are there no results for the Malay community?


Rama Ramanathan

The census and surveys tell party members whether the policies supported by their leaders do in fact protect and promote their interests.

Rama Ramanathan

According to the Constitution of Malaysia, a Malay is someone who professes the religion of Islam, habitually speaks the Malay language and conforms to Malay custom.

The constitution requires the government to favour Malays and other Bumiputeras (indigenous groups and certain Eurasians). The constitutional provision was made – and enhanced – because many who were poor belonged to the Malay and Bumiputera ethnic groups and had limited access to the means of production. The constitution entrenches ethnicity based policy making and measures.

Policies are made by the government. The government is a coalition of mostly ethnicity-based parties. These parties exist in order to protect and promote the interests of unique ethnic groups. This is another reason why all censuses and surveys must be stratified according to ethnicity: the census and surveys tell party members whether the policies supported by their leaders do in fact protect and promote their interests.

In Malaysia, a Household Income and Basic Amenities Survey is performed twice every 5 years. The last two surveys were performed in 2009 and in 2012.

A ratio called the “Gini coefficient” is calculated using the survey data. The Gini coefficient measures the gap in income between the rich and the poor. For 2012 this ratio was calculated using data obtained from data for 44,106 households (HH) spread across West Malaysia (30,848 HH), East Malaysia (12,735 HH) and Labuan (523 HH).

In the “ideal case,” every household has the same income and the Gini coefficient is zero. The 2012 survey found that the overall Gini coefficient changed from 0.441 in 2009 to 0.431 in 2012. I haven’t seen any statistical measures of significance (e.g. 95 % confidence intervals). Nevertheless, experts say the difference of 0.010 is meaningful.

For Chinese the Gini coefficient was unchanged between 2009 (0.425) and 2012 (0.422). For Bumiputera the gap became smaller (2009: 0.440; 2012: 0.421). For Indians the gap became bigger (2009: 0.424; 2012: 0.443).

The Mean Household Income (MHI) is calculated using the survey data. The 2012 survey found that the MHI for Malaysia is MYR 5,000 per month (MYR 5.742 in urban areas and MYR 3,080 in rural areas), up from MYR 4,025 in 2009.

There is wide disparity in MHI’s between the “states;” for 2012, the range is MYR 8,586 (Kuala Lumpur) to MYR 3,168 (Kelantan).

The data shows household income is very high in Malaysia’s administrative capital, Putrajaya, with a high concentration of civil servants. The elite civil servants who live in Putrajaya are doing well: Putrajaya’s MHI at MYR 8,101 is second only to Kuala Lumpur.

For Chinese the MHI is MYR 6,366; for Indians it is MYR 5,233; for Bumiputera it is MYR 4,457. Mysteriously, the data is not reported separately for Malays. Since the Constitution specifically provides Malays with a special position, the decision not to report the numbers separately for Malays is needs to be explained.

The MHI is also stratified according to the top 20%, middle 40% and bottom 40%. These (2012) figures illustrate what the Gini coefficient means in terms of income disparity:

Income distribution (average/month)
Top
20%
Middle
40%
Bottom 20%
Chinese 15,254 5,836 2,455
Indians 13,127 4,589 1,937
Bumiputera 10,666 4,123 1,686

According to the results, under the Malaysian Chinese Association the Chinese elite benefited most; according to election analysts, in the last General Election the majority of the Chinese didn’t vote for MCA. According to the results, under the Malaysian Indian Congress the Indian elite benefited the most; according to election analysts, in the last General Election the majority of the Indians didn’t vote for the MIC.

There are no results for the Malay community. Why aren’t members of the United Malays National Organization and others who are ethnically Malay clamouring for published data to know how successful Umno has been in protecting and promoting the interests of the Malay community?

Also, there is no Gini and 20/40/40 income disparity data for Sabah and Sarawak – which, unlike the eleven states and two Federal Territories, are members of the Federation together with West Malaysia. Why aren’t Sabahan and Sarawakian leaders clamouring for their data to be reported separately?

Read more at: http://write2rest.blogspot.jp/2014/06/whys-there-no-data-for-malay-community.html

 



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