Selangor Crisis: Anwar Shouldn’t Play Leapfrog with Unicorns


anwar_khalid

I believe that Azmin, with truckloads of dirt on Anwar predating to his UMNO trotting days, marshals shots from behind a thinly veiled leadership clutter.

Raggie Jessy, TGE15

Perhaps the single most intriguing aspect when discussing English history is the prestige accorded to various political eras, marked by significant strides in development that helped shape UK’s socio-political heritage, in a manner that was deemed crucial and progressive towards the modern day United Kingdom.

And then, there’s Malaysia. Now, in no way am I venerating the English. But I get exceptionally agitated when anticipating prospects of spending an evening with my grandson years hence, recounting past timelines adulterated with reformasi, blackout 505 and a jaw-dropping power tussle with no holds barred by an opposition front parading as political messiahs. Oh wait, that’s Selangor we’re talking about…

The 80’s through to the 90’s spanned an era delineated by democratic dictatorship, with authority vested in the Prime Minister affected through periodical Federal and State elections. While demanding absolute and unwavering loyalty from his subordinates, Mahathir hammered in his political insignia with an aura of eminence that proved difficult to dismiss. Hence the wonder; how could a political charlatan such as Anwar slip past Mahathir’s conscience year in year out?

But then, what was so special about Anwar that beguiled Mahathir? Perchance, it was providence on Mahathir’s part to accommodate a liberal modernist he perceived would subdue a burgeoning segment of Malay dissenters. To Mahathir, the coat-and-tie clad liberalist was possibly the political aphrodisiac UMNO needed to offset advances by PAS, which paved inroads into UMNO territory on Islamic pretexts at a time when a significant faction to Malay youth viewed Mahathirsm as un-Islamic. Anwar seemed to present his dose of moderation in the garb of liberalism, something both Mahathir and PAS grew anxious of as the years passed.

It didn’t take long for Anwar to push his weight around; in 1993, Anwar crafted a manoeuvre to oust Ghafar Baba, amassing a legion of UMNO youth and veterans who denied the elderly statesman nominations required to retain his post. Mahathir merely stood by as Anwar hurriedly whisked his way towards Deputy Premiership.

The ‘Ghafar move’ followed a span many believe to have involved intense power brokering, with favours traded under the counter. The move inadvertently split UMNO into two distinct factions. Following BN’s unprecedented triumph against Semangat 46 and DAP in 1995, voices of dissent began creeping through ranks, with talks of nepotism and cronyism reverberating along legislative corridors. The antagonism trailed back to Anwar, who persistently charged Mahathir’s administration over fiscal prudence and administrative policies in a manner that seemed to debilitate Mahathir’s imperia.

Now, on to some important questions:

1. Is Kajang really 1998 all over again?

There are resemblances, though it isn’t entirely a just correlation. But nobody likes a story without an end. So let’s reminisce a little further..

As tensions mounted, rumours of a plot against Mahathir surfaced. Anwar was quick to denounce policies he claimed to have germinated a pathological culture of corruption within UMNO. In a speech during the General Assembly, Anwar stealthily maligned Mahathir’s leadership, while harping on traits of nepotism and cronyism within the government. Now, half the truth is in fact, a whole lie. Anwar embellished the truth when he failed to mention how he benefited from a government superstructure spawn off the very policies he criminalized.

All the same, Anwar begrudged Mahathir his premiership long enough to have taken for granted numbers in support from various factions within. And he was soon to learn why it never pays to get off on wrong terms with Mahathir.

What Mahathir did next shocked many; he splashed lists of Government contract recipients in major dailies, with trails that led to none other than Anwar. This damaged the then Deputy Premier, who by then had learnt of his capacity to enchant a people worn out by Mahathirism. That’s right; despite the chunks of editorials and published lists, Anwar pollinated a culture of non-conformity while he packed his bandwagon with political renegades, chanting ‘reformasi’ at just about every juncture.

That’s about as far as that goes. I have spoken of this before. Particularly, much of what I’m writing here was published several months back. It seems that nothing much has changed since.

Anwar planed to springboard his premiership ambitions from Selangor post GE13, employing tactics reminiscent of his 1993 subterfuge. The only person standing in his way is Khalid, someone both Anwar and Azmin are eager to write off as MB. I believe that Azmin, with truckloads of dirt on Anwar predating to his UMNO trotting days, marshals shots from behind a thinly veiled leadership clutter. With a possible financial scandal that threatens to expose a sordid culture of corruption within the leadership coterie, Anwar is feverishly staging a Khalid ouster, albeit on terms dictated by Azmin.

Back in 1998, Anwar was dismissed from the Cabinet and UMNO on charges I firmly believe to be legitimate. But evidence presented seemed circumstantial and dubitable at best, leading to his release during a post-Mahathir era. Ergo, PKR became inundated with support from protagonists and advocates who accused Mahathir of high handedness and courts, of impartiality. Meanwhile, Abdullah shared in the brunt within an era circumscribed by attacks on his credibility and candour at runaway proportions.

Now, back to the question; what is so different about Khalid’s sacking? Oh yes, I almost forgot. We have a dossier, something Anwar and his enigmatic inner circle dished out as party vigilantes turned political consultants overnight. That’s right; we have the Hardy Boys with an installation of ‘I Know What You did Over There, but Just don’t Have the Dirt on You Over Here’.

Well, Ceaser’s wife must be above suspicion now, mustn’t she? That is, of course, if there is reason enough to be suspicious. Instead, we’ve got nothing but conjectures and suppositions. A 90 odd page document, the dossier alleges of a confederation between Khalid and BN, invoking favourable terms of settlement between Khalid and Bank Islam as a quid pro quo for the Selangor-Putrajaya water accord. That’s 90 plus pages of words that probably reads Martian.

Now, Mahathir never demonized Anwar exaggeratedly prior to his dismissal; neither did he ‘pressure’ Anwar to quit. No. Mahathir simply pushed the eject button, sending Anwar soaring sky high over a trajectory that set the then Finance Minister straight in Kajang…Kajang prison, that is. Perhaps, that remains the only semblance, at best.

All said, Mahathir, though forewarned of Anwar’s illicit intrigues, was never cornered into sacking his deputy. Conversely, Azmin seems to not only have concocted Khalid’s dismissal from PKR, but have Anwar by his balls. But then, neither Anwar nor Azmin has the clout to knock Khalid out from the Legislative Assembly, let alone his post as MB.

But Anwar certainly pulled a Ghafar in Kajang. He pushed buttons before seeking concessions from PAS and DAP, sending Hadi and Kit Siang round the bend over Lee Chin Cheh’s unprecedented resignation. From where I stand, Kit Siang was open-mouthed while he got dragged through the mud from Gelang Patah. Meanwhile, we saw a reluctant PAS making u-turn after u-turn almost immediately as the manoeuvre became a public concern, while Guan Eng was caught fumbling amidst reporters as he flung the baton to Anwar. But Anwar may just have overrated his legion, sending Pakatan accelerating down the very nadir of oblivion with his eyes open.

2. What of Khalid’s sacking from the party?

As I’ve said before, Khalid is proving to be a ton of bricks, simply by being resolute over his position. Sacking Khalid on the pretext accomplished nothing for Anwar, but recalibrated odds in favour of the embattled MB. If anything, Khalid has more clout now than ever, which seems reason enough to stick to his guns.

Now, an MB is selected from among members to the Legislative Assembly, commanding loyalty and respect from his/her subordinates. To date, several assemblymen have rooted for Khalid, brushing aside allegations of unilateralism and mismanagement. In essence, no vote was ever taken against Khalid by the assembly, which reflects the State government’s position in his favour. This remains a valid perspective; Selangor’s government constitutionally administers the State on behalf of the ruler, advising him whenever necessary. Amidst support from the Palace, tugging the rug from under Khalid’s feet may prove an impossible feat.

Meanwhile, Anwar seems bent on risking his already flagging reputation by flying into the teeth of the monarch. If anything, Anwar has already begun beating on the battle drums as he importunes support from the electorate, invoking a sense of calamity that would spell doom for Pakatan Rakyat. Whatever said, one can and must never undermine the political will of die hard loyalists, who would vouch for even a nail on the wall, so long as it bears a Pakatan tag alongside.

3. What about Khalid then?

The likelihood of Khalid remaining an independent seems wafer thin. However, a PAS membership would deliver the Islamist party a majority within the Legislative Assembly. Now, that sure as hell sends shivers up Kit Siang’s brittle spine, which helps us comprehend recent provocations by DAP assemblymen, who threatened to quit the assembly. Ironically, they haven’t, and things like that aren’t just chance-medleys.

Conversely, state-wide polls may be inevitable. If sources are anything to go by, Khalid may well be anticipating manoeuvres towards checkmating Anwar, with none other than disgruntled assemblymen from within PAS, DAP and even PKR. That’s right; a new party with Khalid strapped firmly in the saddle may be within the stack. Now, this may be one party capable of superseding Selangor’s PR as a cogent political force.

All I’ll say is this; if a frog had wheels, it wouldn’t bump its butt.

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