The problem of Malay communal cohesion

Umar Mukhtar

The average Malay today has a relatively complex political thought. He has to have an opinion, for example, of whether the Islamic Sharia Law should be implemented in Malaysia for all Muslims, or whether there was an implied Social Contract between the races as a prerequisite to Merdeka, or simply is it right for Dr Mahathir to ask Najib Razak to vacate the Prime Ministership in favour of his Mahathirism. All these affect his life, like it or not.

Even as we randomly take these three divisive issues as examples of the diversity of Malay political thought, Malay disunity is easily apparent. The three matters roughly represent issues of  religion, race and political affiliation. Most Malays disagree to at least one of the three hypothesis. If you are a Malay, try it on yourself.

There are various combinations of choices, but it is very rare that you absolutely agree or disagree with all three issues with the next Malay. If you simply take the ‘all-agree’ and the ‘all-disagree’ as opposite ends of the continuum to make a scientific model of a normal distribution curve, a ‘bell’ will not appear.

It can be seen that the each end of this distribution curve will be a minimal 2% each and not 15%. And what should be a ‘bell’ is a plateau or table-top. The ‘bell’ is so flattened in the middle because the difference of opinion is so widespread and equal in each category where the ‘bell’ is supposed to be.

Hence the political disunity of the Malays become more apparent today. Consequently, it is difficult to politically define the thinking of a Malay today. Especially to determine a definitive majority of similar thinkers in the community. This is quite typical of every communal group admittedly, but it is most acute among the Malays.

Is there any hope that there is or there will be a political vehicle that these diverse opinion-holders can be roped in together and form a majority Malay political block? It does seem most unlikely if the present political scenario is anything to go by.

While there is possibly an overriding sentiment that can unite the non-Malays, like fear and loathing of anything Malay, there is no such thing among the Malays because racial sentiments of the Malays and their religious beliefs are not necessary parallel in each individual’s case.

Each of the Malay political groupings do try to win over a majority of the Malays. So far for the last seven decades UMNO has succeeded. But with the present political upheavals, that may not be true anymore and PRU14 may produce surprising results. UMNO is quite split as result of the Mahathir-Najib saga.

Pas today is not as well focused as during Uztaz Fadhil Noor’s time. PAS’ roughshod insistence of Hudud has created, by default, a political class called PASMA, and PAS grassroots of namely poor rural Malays are in fact racially bias though not much is alluded to that because of the convenient emphasis on religious affiliations. The fact that most Muslims in Malaysia are Malays is treated like a mere coincidence. It is quite dispersed in ideologies.

One thing for sure, a hybrid stand on the above issues as adopted by PKR and PASMA because of political expediencies, are to a certain extent not so attractive to the Malays. The difference between the two groups is presumably that the former is a refuge of what is called liberal Islam, and the latter is the home of political Islam which is obsessed with power more than anything godly. The difference is fine but appreciable.

UMNO’s credibility has been adversely affected by the criticisms against its administration especially Najib’s. Its only hope of retaining semi-liberal Islam support and the racially conscious Malays will have to be an ability to re-invent its governing style. If it can, it will also attract non-Malay collaboration as a bonus. Can it effectively re-invent itself? Your guess is as good as mine.

PAS, on the other hand, is a natural political vehicle for the Malays. If it is able to intelligently temper in any way what appears as its extreme religious stand and the chauvinistic tendencies of its grassroots, it could be very well be the main political party of choice for the Malays, irrespective of non-Malay apprehension.

But it has to first attract talented leaders who could manage grassroot political education. Can you blame the materially poor Malays who may feel that they have a raw deal in this world to jump at the opportunity to invest for the afterworld. Talk their language and work towards a balance.

The fact remains that Malay communal cohesion is paramount in achieving national political stability. Any attempt to thwart this by non-Malay entities is a short-sighted stance and will backfire in their faces.