Mahathirism: The Cancer that Plagues the Nation (Part 4)
Raggie Jessy
May 13, 1969 (continued..)
One of the greatest misconceptions among Malaysians today is the belief that Singapore was reluctant to leave Malaysia following its expulsion by the Tunku’s government. Chinese of that era pinned the blame squarely on the Tunku for nurturing a supremacist Malay culture which they believed led to the expulsion. The following parts will help quash those misconceptions as we take the wraps off an artifice by which Kuan Yew manipulated the Tunku for his egotistical pursuits.
The true story:
Lee Kuan Yew never wanted Singapore to be a part of Malaysia. You read right. The only thing Kuan Yew ever desired was for Singapore to be an independent Republic with him in the driver’s seat. But he was equally the Machiavellian supremacist who used Malaysia as a slingshot to free Singapore from the clutches of British colonialism. As a matter of fact, the tears he shed in Parliament when Singapore was voted out of Malaysia may not have been those of a man overcome by grief.
Kuan Yew’s rise to power was more a consequence of a tactical subterfuge rather than his political acumen. That is to say, he trampled on those who came in his way and would stop at nothing to achieve his goals. What mattered to Kuan Yew was the absolute emancipation of Singapore from the clutches of British colonialism at whatever cost. With that, he sealed the fate of a certain Lim Chin Siong and tore of a chapter from Singapore’s annals, only to replace it with one he drafted for school textbooks.
Chin Siong was a rising star back in the day. A nationalist of sorts, he would captivate audiences with powerful deliveries and witty ripostes as he infused new vigour into the electorate and labour unions. This caught the attention of Kuan Yew, who soon went on to establish PAP with the former.
In due time, Chin Siong began exacting an enormous toll on Kuan Yew. The latter saw prospects to his future as Singapore’s numero uno becoming more and more of a hallucination than a certainty with Chin Siong’s overbearing presence. With that, Kuan Yew knew that the ideal solution would be to have Chin Siong’s popularity ratings decimated. But Kuan Yew also knew that Chin Siong had an irrepressible contingent of staunch adherents who probably would chew nails at the thought of a betrayal by the former. So Kuan Yew turned to the British and plotted what may yet be the biggest political conspiracy in Singaporean history.
Now, the British became apprehensive of Chin Siong when a 1955 delegation led by then Chief Minister David Marshall sought to wrest certain discretionary powers from them. Chin Siong echoed Marshall’s call and demanded for a constitution with minimalist British jurisdiction. The talks collapsed when the British were not willing to shake on these demands, particularly when Chin Siong sought for the elimination of the Internal Security Council (ISC). Kuan Yew attended the talks, but assumed a more composed and pragmatic posture.
A second delegation led by Lim Yew Hock returned jubilant the year after. Interestingly, both Marshall and Chin Siong were nowhere to be seen, though Kuan Yew was a part of the convoy to London that negotiated terms of governance towards Singaporean self-rule. In fact, it was he who “played a crucial role in sweeping away the earlier obstacles to agreement on internal security by resurrecting the proposal for an Internal Security Council (ISC).”
Chin Siong’s absence had everything British written to it. London viewed Chin Siong as a threat to its dominance on Singapore and were determined to cast him off their radars for good. They conspired with the then Chief Minister Lim Yew Hock to instigate a mob protest that ensued in the arrest of 2,346 people. As a result, Chin Siong was castrated after being accused of triggering the riots which killed dozens of Singaporeans.
Kuan Yew showed his true colours when he betrayed Chin Siong and charged that the latter was nothing but a stooge for the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM). But that was the official version, one many Malaysians and Singaporeans hold true to this day. Truth be told, Chin Siong was merely defending interest groups against the wanton closure of Chinese associations and schools in Singapore by Yew Hock, who intended to trigger unrest and have Chin Siong castrated.
A top secret arrangement had it that “Lee confidentially said that he values the [Internal Security] Council as a potential ‘scape-goat’ for unpopular measures he will wish to take against subversive activities.” It was for this reason above all that Kuan Yew gained favour with the British, who foretold of a future with suppressed nationalistic ambitions.
The official version puts an entirely different complexion to the whole story. Textbooks talk of the ISC as a means of curbing the spread of communism within the Malayan-Singaporean front when in fact it was a tool for the British to oppress Singaporean politicians into a form of subjugation. Rest assured, Kuan Yew was ten steps ahead of the British from the start, a matter of fact the British hadn’t a clue of.
It is rumoured that the British were reluctant to grant Singapore emancipation for a number of reasons, among them being a potential communist threat to neighbouring regions from insurgent groups within Singapore. But they were up for Singaporean self-rule under British vigilance, which really was a form of provisional rule. Upon returning from London in March 1957, PAP conducted elections of its executive council.
Chin Siong was as yet under detention, though his supporters secured a majority representation within the executive council. But Kuan Yew had anticipated the result and worked out a plan B, part to a series of plans that were to pave his way towards supremacy. He extended to the British a potential threat posed by Chin Siong’s supporters through Yew Hock. Following this, the British got Yew Hock to round up all of Chin Siong’s supporters and have them under lock and key. With that, Kuan Yew emerged ‘triumphant’ and remained at the helm of the party.
By this time, the British perceived Kuan Yew to be their pivot in Singapore and expressed their desire that he be in the driver’s seat following the 1959 General Elections. Kuan Yew reciprocated their patronage by indicating that “he and his other reputed moderates in the PAP regard the continued presence of the British in Singapore as an assurance for themselves.” Kuan Yew went on to negotiate the release of Chin Siong and his supporters on agreement that he would move against them should they step out of line with the party. He then got Chin Siong and his loyalists to pledge their support for the party’s manifesto.
Following PAP’s triumph in the 1959 General Elections, Kuan Yew was appointed as Singaporean Chief Minister on the 3rd of June. He got Chin Siong and six other detainees released before assigning him the post of political secretary to the Ministry of Finance.
In the months that followed, Kuan Yew deliberately put off releasing the remaining detainees while giving his colleagues the impression that he was pressing for their emancipation. But Chin Siong and his comrades were on to the bluff and influenced legislators against Kuan Yew’s favour. Soon, a deep sense of resentment pervaded the Legislative Assembly when many began to question Kuan Yew over his condescending and dictatorial ways.
Kuan Yew realised that his goose would be cooked by Chin Siong should he propel Singapore into elections. Right about then, the Tunku made a proposal to have Singapore included in the Federation of Malaysia for very strategic reasons. What Kuan Yew did next would irrevocably damage racial relations in Malaysia and set the stage for Mahathir to assault the Tunku in the years after.
To be continued…
Mahathirism: The Cancer that Plagues the Nation (Part 3)
Mahathirism: The Cancer that Plagues the Nation (Part 2)
Mahathirism: The Cancer that Plagues the Nation (Part 1)
