The MACC is playing pucks with the rakyat (part 3)

The Third Force

To get the ball rolling, let us recap some of the highlights from part 2 (READ HERE), with emphasis on the timeline of events as they had unfolded:

Date	Gap	Event
15th of February 2015	0	A meeting took place at the Fullerton Bay hotel in Singapore, during which Justo met UPP Holdings Limited CEO Tong Kooi Hong and The Edge Media Group CEO Ho Kay Tat. Clare was present in the meeting
24th of February 2015	9 days	Rashpal’s tenure with the ACAB expired
28th of February 2015	4 days	Sarawak Report ran article that alleged conspiracy by Jho Low and PetroSaudi to siphon 1MDB funds
6th of March 2015	6 days	The MACC gets initiated into a probe to investigate claims made by Sarawak Report
26th of June 2015	112 days	Justo admitted to handing over stolen data to Kay Tat and Kooi Hong as Clare looked on

*Note: Gap denotes the period between the date for a given event and the date for the event that precedes it.

Now that it’s sorted out, let’s move on with the rest of this article.

Two to a tango

On the 2nd of July 2015, Wall Street journal (WSJ) ran in print the schematics of an alleged money trail that ended in the Prime Minister’s personal accounts. The shocking revelation was discussed in virtually every nook and cranny across town and played a dramatic tone even in elevators.

The questions were always the same. People wanted to know what the Prime Minister had done with the RM 2.6 billion he was said to have accrued through criminal means. On the 3rd of August 2015, Rafizi Ramli gave the lie to an assertion that the money was really a donation that originated from the Middle East.  

The beacon of imbecility, Rafizi charged both the Prime Minister and his wife of lying through their teeth. But his stupidity pales in comparison to that of Tony Pua, who just ten days later, urged the Prime Minister to give himself up to the MACC for indulging in activities that were detrimental to Parliamentary democracy.

“It made no sense for Rafizi to implicate Rosmah in the RM 2.6 billion controversy. He posted the picture to his facebook profile on the 3rd of August 2015.”

Now, I’ll get right back to Tony Pua on the issue of parliamentary democracy once I’m done with the MACC. But first, let us examine what the WSJ report meant and how it relates to Clare Rewcastle Brown, Tan Sri Rashpal Singh, Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail and Jessica Gurmeet Kaur.

The day Malaysia stood still

It was a clear lesson for Najib and government –Sarawak Report wasn’t alone. New York based daily WSJ showed that it had crafted a lesson from its UK based partner in crime when it ran an article that seemed to sum up in just two words; money laundering.

“WSJ spared no expense to sully the name of the Prime minister in an editorial that was of a tone and flavour with Sarawak Report.  It is highly suspect that Rashpal had handed over top secret information to Clare who later handed it over to WSJ editors”

The report spoke of a sweeping conspiracy Malaysian investigators were said to have documented their findings on.  According to WSJ, the alleged conspiracy was unearthed by investigators who, while probing into 1MDB, trailed a colossal flow of cash into bank accounts they believed were those of the Prime Minister.

But the print between the lines read differently. One interpretation had it that the Prime Minister was involved in a scam to launder money into legitimate cash, which he then channelled into his personal coffers for his own use. It was a deliberate attempt by WSJ to bring some semblance of credibility to what was a truth of omission.

And what the report omitted was the fact that the documents it had based its findings on were incoherent and didn’t give a true depiction of circumstances. But the daily went ahead with a report that trenched on partisan journalism, bringing into question its propriety and complicity with Clare. Above all else, WSJ had their figures mismatched. It wasn’t RM 2.6 billion that made its way into the Prime Minister’s account. It was a different figure entirely.

Now that we’ve scraped the crust off the pie, let’s move on.

While the editorial did not draw a bead on 1MDB, it stayed true to what had by then become a media tradition; to lump every other ‘Najib stained’ controversy with 1MDB. The report spoke of cash that moved among agencies, banks and entities that were well connected and linked to 1MDB before it ended in the Prime Minister’s personal accounts.

Not only did WSJ set the bar on conspiracy to an all new high, the report made the New York based daily sound like a government mouthpiece. Much of the disclosure had to do with information only investigators probing into 1MDB and its attendant problems could have been wise to.

Is the Special Task Force a farce?

On the same day WSJ made the shocking allegation, Sarawak Report ran an editorial that was curiously of a spirit and conspicuously of a tone. It is highly suspect that the UK based whistleblower was intermediary in the leak of classified information to WSJ by virtue of its associations with well connected people in Malaysia.

Notwithstanding the liaisons, Sarawak Report stirred the cauldron of conspiracy when it implied that government investigators had traced a cascading flow of filthy lucre into Najib’s piggybank. Questions were raised as to how monies from the government pension fund could have been traded under the counter in what appeared to be an allusion to a defalcation racket.

The UK based report stretched the mile on conspiracy when it further implicated Low in a complicity of influence. The New York based billionaire was cited a total number of eight times in what seemed to be an attempt by Clare to squeeze an elephant into a bird cage. They had nothing on Low, but decided that naming him would make sense and further sensationalise the report.

Before we attempt to go any further, let it be said that the disclosures meant one thing and one thing only; an attack by Fifth Columnists (refer http://www.malaysia-today.net/dr-mahathir-and-daim-zainuddin-are-confederates-of-the-fifth-column/).

While WSJ admitted to sighting and reviewing documents that were put together by government investigators, it stopped short of naming the saboteur or group of saboteurs who had delivered the information to them.

“Gani lied to the people when he gave the impression that the Special Task Force had been set up to probe into the RM 2.6 billion controversy. But what was Gani trying to hide?”

Both reports triggered alarm bells over possible non-disclosure and security breaches by Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM), the AGC, the Royal Malaysian Police (PDRM) and the MACC. Gani, who faced tough questions over the security transgression, assured everyone that the Special Task Force had its periscopes up and deployed.

“I affirm that on July 3, the Special Task Force had sent their probe teams to SRC (International Sdn Bhd), Ihsan Perdana (Sdn Bhd) and (Gandingan) Mentari (Sdn Bhd),” he said.

For the record, the Special Task Force was set up by Gani on the 6th of March 2015 to probe into 1MDB and its attendant problems. But almost immediately after WSJ ran its report on the fringes of conspiracy, Gani was smitten by something that wasn’t named Jessica.

It was amnesia. On the 4th of July 2015, the former AG drove perception astray when he implied that the task force was brought into being to investigate the RM 2.6 billion controversy which WSJ had floated just two days earlier. He seemed to forget that it was he who had announced the task force on the 25th of March 2015. Back then, we were told a different story.

Now, I am confident that I have the definitive guess on the entire plot of this badly constructed ‘triangle of deceit’.  And by ‘triangle of deceit’, I mean a conspiracy that may have existed between Rashpal, Jessica and Gani to commit acts of subversion against Najib and government. Be that as it may, Gani was likely trying to conceal a complicity he did not want us to know about.

Was the task force set up to protect an officer or officers from the MACC and the AGC from the brunt of justice? Was Gani cutting a path that led PDRM away from Rashpal and Jessica, prisoners who already were standing at the end of the bar?

And the million dollar question which we ought to be asking is this; was Jessica complicit with Gani to dispose of top secret information to Clare Rewcastle Brown of Sarawak Report?

In part 2, I mentioned how Rashpal may have been privy to classified information by virtue of his associations with Jessica. But if you were to run this by someone named Dato’ Rohaizad Yaakob from the MACC, he’d tell you that it was a lie.

“Rohaizad pretended not to know that Rashpal was in a relationship with Jessica. Was Rohaizad complicit with Gani in protecting both Jessica and Rashpal?”

Rohaizad attempted to scuttle the butt of criticisms by rubbishing claims that Rashpal had a hand in the leak of top secret government documents to Sarawak Report. According to the MACC Communications Director, Rashpal’s tenure with the ACAB had expired before investigations into 1MDB had begun.

But it is hard to believe that Jessica had never clued Rashpal in on details pertaining to the probe into 1MDB. Rohaizad pretended not to know that the two were in a relationship while Rashpal was yet a member of the ACAB.  

By doing so, Rohaizad may have been attempting let slip a group of criminals from the cuffs of justice. It wouldn’t take a rocket scientist to put two and two together and tell you why Rashpal qualifies as a prime suspect in light of his liaisons and flings with Jessica.

To be continued…

The MACC is playing pucks with the rakyat, part 2

The MACC is playing pucks with the rakyat, part 1